by Rock-bottom Remainder » Wed Nov 26, 2003 8:09 pm
Heck! I\'m wondering why I\'m crying myself hoarse on this one but nevertheless,
<br>I reiterate, the author has condemned Sati but the context in which he has mentioned the practice is misplaced.
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<br>This is from csuchico.edu
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<br> For many traditionalists, this Hindu practice symbolizes the epitome of wifely devotion, especially among the Rajput caste of Northern India (Harlan 1995: 80). In addition, some Hindus believe the act of self-immolation by a widow facilitates the attainment of spiritual salvation for her dead husband. The woman who commits sati is also revered as a goddess (81). On the other hand, feminists, political leaders, and many of India’s rural people and elite contend that the glorification of sati is a national disgrace and an immoral act. Understandably, the differing points of view have created strong division among India’s people, especially among women.
<br> Comprehending why a woman would choose to commit sati, however, requires the removal of our “western lenses.” The act of self-immolation of widows on their husband’s funeral pyre may be construed as a horrific act by the Westerner but in India cases of sati have been documented in their culture for hundreds of years (Oldenburg 1994: 165). More important, the symbolic significance of sati is intricately intertwined in the Hindu belief system and reveals something about the status of women.
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<br>THE DEBATE OVER SATI
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<br> Historically, sati is not unique to India. In the north Indian state of Rajasthan, it came to be associated with the people of the warrior Rajput caste, who viewed sati as the extreme expression of marital valor (Harlan 1994: 80). Although the practice of sati has been virtually non-existent elsewhere in India after the British banned it in 1829, about forty cases have taken place since India’s independence in 1947. Twenty-eight of these cases have occurred in Rajasthan, mainly around the Sikar district (Oldenburg 1994: 191).
<br> As stated earlier, Roop Kanwar’s sati appears to have launched a fierce debate in India between sati supporters and sati opponents. As surprising as it may seem, shortly after Kanwar’s death, women demonstrators organized in various parts of the country to demand that women be permitted to commit sati (Kumar 1995: 76). Pro-sati demonstrators demanded, as Hindus and women, the right to commit, worship, and propagate sati. In addition, their endeavors were also supported by Rajput men. For example, shortly after Kanwar’s sati, the Sati Dharma Raksha Samti (the “Committee for the Defense of the Religion of Sati”) was formed (Hawley 1994: 9). This group was run by educated Rajput men in their twenties and thirties who claimed that sati was a “fundamental part of their traditions; a refusal to legitimize sati, they said, was a deliberate attempt to marginalize the Rajputs” (Kumar 1995: 81).
<br> In sharp contrast, Indian feminists argued that sati was a deplorable act. It was viewed as a crime against women. They contended that sati as an issue had been settled in 1829 when it was officially abolished by the British (Oldenburg 1994: 101). Feminists rejected the glorification that followed Roop Kanwar’s sati. In addition, they countered the propaganda produced by the media which represented Roop Kanwar as a symbol of the ideal Hindu women. That is, as a result of Kanwar’s sati, she symbolized the chaste and devoted wife who was able to sacrifice her life for her husband. For Indian feminists, this ideology exemplified the oppressive status of women. In addition, the glorification of a woman’s self-immolation confirmed to feminists that many women believed “their strength lied in the act of sacrifice and the endurance of untold pain” (Oldenburg 1994: 105). As one can see, the attitudes regarding the significance of sati are controversial. However, to discern the cultural relevance of this “tradition,” one must be cognizant of the role of women in Hindu society, and acknowledge the myths which venerate sati as well as the origin of this practice. In this way, a better comprehension as to why one would commit such an act will be attained.
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<br>VIRTUOUS WOMAN THROUGH SELF-SACRIFICE
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<br>Ironically, the Hindu term for sati literally means “a good woman,” a woman who has become capable of self-immolation (Harlan 1994: 79). In addition, among the Rajput caste, sati is as a person one becomes, gradually through good behavior. Dying as a sati demonstrates to all concerned that the woman has developed appropriate and admirable behavior (80). As Sushil Kumari, a fifty-four-year-old Rajput woman shared with Elisabeth Bumiller, “it is a tradition that has been instilled in us since childhood.” “It is very, very ingrained in the Rajput psyche.” In addition, “it is glamorized, eulogized, it is drilled into us, whether we are educated or not, that the husband is a god figure” (1990: 69). Furthermore, according to Kumari, committing sati guarantees that a woman, her husband and seven generations of the family after her will have a direct passport to heaven. Through her sacrifice, she releases herself and family members from the “painful cycle of birth and rebirth” (70). In this way, one can see the responsibility appropriated to women for not only the salvation of her husband but his family as well. It is through her suicide that all others can be freed from the painful cycle of reincarnation.
<br> Having discussed the significance of this selfless act, one can see the reasons why a Rajput woman would consider sati. This ritual is believed to be an act of purity, self-sacrifice and dignity. In fact, after the death of Roop Kanwar, a majority of the men of Deorala admitted to being proud of what Kanwar had done. As one man said “our Rajput women are very valorous.” “ What she (Roop Kanwar) did has made the whole village respect her and the whole of Rajasthan respect the village” (Dalrymple 1997: 17).
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<br>I know its beyond rational understanding as to why a woman would fling herself on to her husband\'s pyre. The very thought of jumping into a funeral pyre gives goose pimples to all of us but we can\'t really explain the collective psyche of the ladies of those days, now can we? And to top it all, we still have some rural folk who support it.
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